Taiwan thinks it’ll miss Trump. (It probably won’t).

Taiwan encountered the Donald Trump administration up close and personal in August, when a U.S. Air Force C-40B jet landed in Taipei. On board was a delegation led by Alex Azar, the U.S. health secretary, who became the highest-ranking U.S. cabinet official to visit Taiwan since the two countries severed diplomatic ties in 1979.

Azar met President Tsai Ing-wen and other top officials, including the darling of Taiwan’s astounding coronavirus response, health minister Chen Shih-chung. He lauded Taiwan’s democracy and spoke of the potential of U.S.-Taiwan cooperation; he denounced the threat of China’s illiberality and praised Taiwan’s COVID-19 response. The country’s stat sheet remains stellar: 578 total cases, seven deaths, zero cases of local transmission since April 12. Azar rounded out his visit with a tour of a factory manufacturing the secret ingredient to Taiwan’s success, the face mask.

In three days, Azar ticked all the boxes – tough on China, supportive of Taiwan, hopeful for a future of warm cooperation – that reveal why many Taiwanese love Donald Trump. What happened after his visit, an ocean away, is less important; it wasn’t front-page news in Taipei when Azar ditched his mask and shook hands at the Rose Garden’s famous September superspreader ceremony. Taiwanese, like everyone else, have heard plenty about the horrors of Trump’s rule. They heard how John Bolton, Trump’s former national security advisor, claimed Trump was “dyspeptic” about Taiwan. But their unease over Trump’s true commitment to Taiwan has been counteracted by a strong sentiment that their country has benefited from his rule – even as the idea of a Taiwanese health official ditching his mask during a pandemic would be incomprehensible.

In December 2016, Trump, then the President-elect, famously picked up a congratulatory phone call from Tsai, the first time the leaders of the two countries had spoken since 1979. The two presidents have been a fairly happy odd couple ever since, mostly because they have a common enemy. The Trump administration has portrayed itself as hell-bent on battering the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) into submitting to its trade war demands. Tsai wants to assure Taiwan’s self-determination – the CCP claims sovereignty over Taiwan, although it’s never ruled over it. The Trump administration’s willingness to send warships through the Taiwan Strait, slam Chinese moves to erase Taiwan’s identity as “Orwellian nonsense,” and push for Taiwan’s inclusion in the World Health Organization have helped Tsai become the popular leader she is today.

Many Taiwanese love both Tsai, under whom Taiwan became the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage, and Trump, who has packed American courts with arch-conservatives. They heeded Tsai’s warnings of election disinformation campaigns and tuned out the baseless claims of her bombastic populist opponent in January. But come October, Taiwanese internet users jumped into conspiratorial rabbit holes concerning the U.S. election and Hunter Biden’s hard disks.

Taiwanese representatives and lobbyists in the United States are traditionally closer to Republicans. The nation’s political elites have long harbored a distrust of Democrats, who tend to be more wary of provoking leadership in Beijing. This feeling was amplified during the Obama administration. In 2011, the White House expressed concerns that Tsai, who was running against incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou, would antagonize Beijing because she favors eventual Taiwanese independence. Tsai’s team felt the slight from Washington contributed to her loss at the polls.

A lot has changed since then. Joe Biden and the Democratic Party appear committed to maintaining robust U.S. support for Taiwan and have distaste for Chinese leader Xi Jinping – whom Biden took to calling a “thug” in debates. Obama never quite had the same disdain for Xi Jinping’s predecessor, the less powerful Hu Jintao. Biden congratulated Tsai via Twitter on her reelection in January, and Tsai returned the favor when the U.S. election was called for Biden on Saturday. Even if Biden opts not to continue Trump’s trade war and to stop pursuing Chinese tech bans, there has been no indication whatsoever that he will alter the strong relationship between Tsai and her counterparts in Washington.

It will take time for some Taiwanese to believe that Biden will be a strong friend of Taiwan, even if he hasn’t indicated otherwise. Tsai’s congratulatory tweet was bombarded with comments praising Trump and lambasting Tsai for recognizing a purportedly illegitimate president-elect. Many Taiwanese are single-issue voters, and if they were lured to Trump by his “tough on China” mystique, a Biden administration that was willing to support Taiwan would probably soon garner its own popularity. Biden will have four years to show Taiwan a vision of U.S. commitment that, hopefully, will be more durable and long-lasting than Alex Azar’s commitment to wearing a face mask.